Patriotic theft - part 3 (VIDEO)

Oliver Ivanović, State Secretary in the Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija (2008–2012): "I can’t answer that question. Simply, when I don’t know all the paths of the money, it’s difficult for me to answer why that money didn’t result in us looking like Switzerland. That’s what you’re trying to say, I suppose."

B92: "Weren’t these funds supposed to make Kosovo a developed part of Serbia?"

Goran Bogdanović, Minister for Kosovo and Metohija (2008–2012): "I absolutely agree. With the amount of money that has gone to Kosovo over the past 12 years, Kosovo should be the most developed region in Europe. Not just in Serbia or the Western Balkans, but in Europe. I tell you, I still believe in this country and hope that all those who abused the funds will be adequately punished for their illegal actions."

B92: "According to our calculations, 650,000 euros are allocated to Kosovo daily."

Nebojša Jović, President of the Serb National Council for Kosovska Mitrovica: "For all of Kosovo?"

B92: "For all of it."

Jović: "How much for the north?"

B92: "We’re talking about all of Kosovo."

Jović: "As far as I know, let’s say that..approximately 1.2 billion euros are allocated to, let’s say... Valjevo, daily, imagine that."

B92: "Wait, 1.2 billion euros? I don’t understand."

Jović: "That’s what’s allocated daily for Valjevo."

B92: "1.2 billion euros?"

Jović: "No, no, I just want to point out that you said 650,000 euros are allocated to Kosovo. What are you trying to say with that? We’re not some loafers just being handed money. If there are embezzlements, we can talk about that, but you have to admit it’s a bit dismissive, insulting even, to say that Kosovo receives daily allocations of... how much did you say?"

B92: "650,000 euros."

Jović: "650,000 euros. Are we the ones allocating it, did we ask for that money, did we steal it?"

Dejan Pavićević, Head of the Negotiation Team with Priština: "Honestly, now that you’ve mentioned these figures, I’m thinking about how many zeros that number has, and they are truly, truly huge figures. When said like that, it sounds terrifying, indeed. How much of that money has been misused, disappeared, or ended up in someone’s pocket—that information, unfortunately, no one has, not even you. It would be good if that could be found out."

Even the representatives of the relevant institutions do not know how much money has been spent on Kosovo. There is no centralized record of the expenses. Funds have been allocated for various ministries and institutions over the years, but whether this money is being spent for its intended purpose or not, no one in this country seems to follow.

The journalists from "Insider" requested from all the ministries of the Serbian Government, based on the law on access to information, to provide data on how much money was spent on Kosovo for various purposes from 2000 to 2012.

Out of 15 ministries from Mirko Cvetković’s government that had expenses related to Kosovo, 11 responded. However, almost none of the ministries provided complete data.

The ministries' explanations for not having complete data for the entire period vary. These include changes in the ministries' jurisdictions over the years, management of certain areas being transferred from one ministry to another, and the loss or archiving of data. However, even based on the incomplete responses we received, as well as all publicly available information, it is clear that Serbia allegedly spent 2.8 billion euros over the last 12 years, almost without any oversight, supposedly to assist the vulnerable population in Kosovo. The data you will see in the next few minutes is official and obtained through the law on access to information.

The Ministry of Culture spent 8.5 million euros on Kosovo from 2008 to 2011. 

The Ministry of Human and Minority Rights provided aggregated data for the entire period, stating that 1.1 million euros were spent on Kosovo. 

The Ministry of Youth and Sports also spent 1.1 million euros from 2002 to 2011. 

The Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija provided data on expenses for the period from 2008 to 2011, with a total amount slightly under 192 million euros. 

From 2001 to 2005, there was no Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija, but the Coordination Center, which spent 96.6 million euros during that period. The Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija does not have data on expenses for the period from 2006 to 2007, as it was explained to us that the data has been archived and is not publicly accessible. 

The Ministry of Justice spent 27.5 million euros on courts and prosecutors' offices in Kosovo from 2005 to 2011. 

The Ministry of Environmental Protection, Mining, and Spatial Planning provided data for 2000, as well as for the period from 2003 to 2011. During that time, 2 million euros were spent on Kosovo. 

The Republic Health Insurance Fund spent 542.5 million euros on medical institutions and healthcare in Kosovo from 2003 to 2011. 

The Pension and Disability Insurance Fund (PIO Fund) stated that they spent 4.3 million euros on Kosovo from 2000 to 2010. 

The PIO Fund also provided separate expenses for pensions, with 349.5 million euros allocated from 2007 to 2011.

The Ministry of Labor, Employment, Veteran and Social Affairs spent 80.8 million euros from 2000 to 2011.

The Ministry of Science, Technological Development and Inovation spent 3.7 million euros on Kosovo from 2000 to 2009.

The Ministry of Education did not respond to Insider's request, but according to previous data sent to the Center for Practical Politics, it is evident that they spent 305.4 million euros from 2004 to 2009.

The public company Roads of Serbia spent 39.8 million euros from 2000 to 2010 on the maintenance of existing roads and the construction of new ones in Kosovo.

The Agency for Spatial Planning disclosed expenses only for 2010, when it spent just over 6,000 euros on opening an office and paying the salary of the Agency's representative in Kosovska Mitrovica.

The Business Registers Agency had expenses of 94,000 euros from 2007 to 2010.

The Regional Development Agency incurred expenses of 17.5 thousand euros in 2008 and 2010.

The Electric Power Industry of Serbia had expenses of 318.4 million euros in Kosovo from 2000 to 2010.

The Ministry for the Diaspora stated that it spent 6.6 thousand euros from 2008 to 2010.

The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Water Management spent 1.5 million euros from 2000 to 2011.

The Ministry of Energy did not want to respond to our request, but according to publicly available data, it spent 132.3 thousand euros from 2000 to 2010.

The Ministry of Trade and Services spent 2.1 million euros from 2000 to 2010.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs did not respond to Insider's request, but according to official data published on the website "How Much Kosovo Costs," it can be determined that they spent 114.4 million euros from 2002 to 2009.
The Ministry of Religion stated that it incurred expenses of 3.9 million euros from 2005 to 2009.

The Ministry of Health spent 3.4 million euros on Kosovo from 2000 to 2009.

In its response, the Serbian Post stated that it spent 24.4 million euros from 2000 to 2010.

The Tax Administration incurred expenses of 27.2 million euros from 2003 to 2010.

Serbia Forests show total expenses of 2.2 million euros from 2000 to 2009.

The Ministry of Economy and Regional Development is one of the few ministries that, in its response to Insider, provided data for the period we requested. From 2000 to 2011, it spent 3.3 million euros.

The National Employment Service spent 305.2 million euros on temporary compensation from 2003 to 2011.

In its response to Insider, the National Bank of Serbia stated that from 2002 to 2011, it paid Kosovo’s external debt in the amount of 430.5 million euros.

Money from the budget is allocated for various purposes, but almost no one monitors whether it is being spent for its intended purpose. Insider's investigation revealed that funds were spent on increased salaries and allowances, even for those who do not live in Kosovo, on financing local municipalities, fictitious public companies, their fictitious boards of directors and supervisory boards, on projects that were never completed, and on commissions for individuals involved in various deals.
Because there was no adequate control to ensure that, once the money was transferred to Kosovo, it went where it was intended, a space for numerous abuses was created. The overall budget expenditures for Kosovo are proposed annually by the government and confirmed by the Parliament. All ministries thus receive certain funds that they invest in Kosovo for various purposes. At the time of the interview, Goran Bogdanović was the Minister for Kosovo and Metohija.

Bogdanović: I am now answering some of your questions, hm, it's a bit difficult for me to admit that I have no jurisdiction here, no... And yet there is a Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija. If you recall, I’ve stated in several of my interviews that a ministry for Kosovo and Metohija, with such limited competencies, should not exist. It should be clear who is responsible for what...
B92: Does it mean that the entire system is set up so that the Serbian Government doesn’t care where the citizens' money is being spent?
Bogdanović: No, I wouldn’t say that. Don't suggest that the Government doesn't care. I would handle things differently, and then many other things wouldn’t concern me either. That's not true.
Ivanović: I think, or rather, I suspect that not all the funds went directly to the citizens down there, but my suspicions as a citizen and an individual wouldn’t hold up in court, since I wouldn’t be able to provide concrete evidence for that.
B92: You have been a politician within these structures, state services, since 2000. It seems strange that you know so little about what happened to the money.
Ivanović: No, I just don’t want to be generalizing. I can make assumptions as an ordinary citizen, but since I was never directly involved in financial transactions, I only know fragments or bits on the margins of the events.

After the formation of Mirko Cvetković’s government, numerous investigations into malpractices in Kosovo were announced. Boris Tadić, then-President of Serbia, Goran Bogdanović, and Oliver Ivanović led the way with statements about the abuses that had occurred before they came to power. However, according to Insider’s investigation, the former Ministry for Kosovo did file several criminal charges for unfinished projects and the misuse of funds intended for Serbs in Kosovo, but none of the criminal proceedings have been completed to this day.
Had more than two billion euros been invested, for instance, in the development of Serbia, which includes Kosovo, it would have been the largest investment in the history of democratic Serbia.

Nemanja Nenadić, Transparency Serbia: When comparing these kinds of allocations, although I should mention that there have been no similar attempts for other parts of the country, these allocations are certainly disproportionately large compared to the number of inhabitants, or they are exceptionally large in relation to the number of people who recognize the state of Serbia as their own and live in that territory. It seems to me that this allocation is about twice the average that would be expected for the entire country.

The proof that we have been paying a high price all these years for the political message and slogan "Kosovo is Serbia" is the fact that part of the money allocated by Serbian citizens goes toward financing Serbian public companies in Kosovo, which still exist for Serbia, despite the reality being completely different. That money actually goes to maintaining fictitious institutions of the Serbian state in Kosovo. The job of those who are officially employed in Serbian public companies in Kosovo is to, on paper, maintain the situation as it was before 1999.

Stojanović: You have public companies, and they have management and supervisory boards. Who are we telling this empty tale to? Meanwhile, people are sitting in Belgrade, far from here, and they get 25,000 dinars — you know, a household budget for a dinner with the family or whatever. And that's a fact. Now, there is one positive thing — approximately 48,000 people, that’s the official number somewhere, are being paid by the Serbian government in Kosovo, and it's good that they are paid, and they should be paid even more. But not just randomly. Some people who left long ago still receive the Kosovo allowance as if they are vulnerable. Well, you're not vulnerable if you once lived in Kosovo but now live in Aranđelovac.

B92: So what is Serbia actually paying for?

Stojanović: Serbia is paying for defeat.

For 12 years, the Serbian budget has been paying the employees of public companies in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija, most of which do not function in the locations where they are registered. According to our research, as many as 33 public companies in Kosovo are directly funded by Serbian citizens through the budget, while three public companies are within EPS (Electric Power Industry of Serbia). Each of these companies, in addition to employees, has a director and between five and eight board members. The best example of the absurdity of this system is the city of Priština. According to official data from the Serbian Business Registers Agency, Serbian public companies still operate in Priština as they did before the NATO bombing.

At the address Lenjinova Street bb in Priština, there was once a Public Housing Company responsible for the housing needs of Priština residents. Today, this street is called Bill Clinton Boulevard, and a 42-story skyscraper, the tallest in the Balkans, worth 400 million euros, is being constructed at that address.
For the Serbian government, this is still Lenjinova Street, and the Public Housing Company of Priština is still located there. The company’s employees have been relocated to Gračanica. They have no housing stock to manage there, but they still receive full salaries from the Serbian budget.

The same applies to other Serbian public companies whose headquarters were once in Priština but are still listed in the Serbian registry as being at those addresses.

Priština Airport became well-known in 1999 as the first place where Russian KFOR soldiers arrived. At the time, this was interpreted in Belgrade as a great victory over NATO. The Russians soon left, the airport has since been reconstructed, and two years ago it was renamed Adem Jashari Airport, after someone who is considered a terrorist by Belgrade and a national hero by Priština. In 2010, the airport was leased to a Turkish-French consortium, which signed a contract to manage the terminals for the next 20 years.
To justify the policy that "Kosovo is Serbia," for the government in Belgrade, Priština Airport is still under the jurisdiction of a Serbian public company.

In the ABC Cinema, located on what used to be Njegoševa Street in Priština, a local public company once managed the screening of films. They were responsible for several cinemas in Priština. This company still exists, but it is now under the government of Priština. The street has been renamed Redžep Luci Street.

Since the Serbian official authorities do not recognize the government of Priština, for them, the Serbian public companystill exists at this address, paid for by Serbian citizens. 

This company has not shown a single film since 1999. 

It was relocated to Gračanica, which doesn't even have a cinema. Yet, the company still exists, and it is still funded by Serbian citizens.

One example of what Serbian citizens have been paying for over the years, in an effort to demonstrate that Kosovo is part of Serbia, is the Priština heating plant, which is now funded by the Kosovo government. 

Meanwhile, due to the "Kosovo is Serbia" policy, the official records still show the fictitious Serbian public company Termokos at this address, even though it no longer exists there. It was moved to Gračanica, a place without central heating. 

The Serbian company Termokos has had no infrastructure to maintain for 13 years, but it still has employees, who continue to be paid by the Serbian budget.

All of these Serbian public companies, which, according to official records, are still located in Priština where their headquarters were until 1999, were relocated to Gračanica, a Serbian enclave near Priština, after the bombing and the signing of the Kumanovo Agreement.

Just as at the national level, every change in local government leads to changes in the directors and management boards of these companies, as they are seen as political spoils. This means that Serbian citizens have been funding the Priština city assembly, which is actually located in Gračanica, and electing fictitious leadership for public companies that have no work to do since all the infrastructure they are supposed to manage remains in Priština. Thus, for years, the position of mayor of Priština, which has been relocated to Gračanica, has been occupied by political appointees from various parties. The current mayor is Bogdan Savić, an SPS official, who took the position six months ago.

B92: You are officially the mayor of Priština, according to Serbia. Is that correct?
Bogdan Savić, mayor of Priština in the Serbian administration: Yes.
B92: What connection do you have with Priština?
Savić: The only... Connection with Priština?
B92: Does Priština consult you when they want to change street names? Do you make any decisions in Priština?
Savić: No. I don’t make any decisions, that’s clear.
B92: So, your role is essentially fictitious, if I may say so...
Savić: But we still want and hope to return to our city, to our apartments where we used to live.
B92: Well, okay, but could you be elected then...when we return?
Savić: That’s... that’s...
B92: ...when we return, could you be elected then?
Savić: ...that is a long-term policy.
B92: But not now, in this fictitious role, you would agree...
Savić: Let me tell you, the Serbian government decides on all of this. As I would say, Serbia is our motherland. Whether the city of Priština will exist or not, whether it will be shut down or not, is up to our motherland Serbia to decide.

The municipality of Priština, which still officially exists for Serbia but has been relocated to Gračanica, also funds the Serbian public companies that were moved there from Priština back in 1999. This money actually comes from the Serbian budget. The Serbian public companies from Priština are now housed in a damp and rundown warehouse belonging to the company "Voćar." A journalist from the "Insider" visited these companies. Although they supposedly employ hundreds of workers who are paid from the Serbian budget, these companies have only one office, a director, and a secretary. The workers sign in as if they are coming to work, but in reality, they have nothing to do.

In some of the companies, not even the director shows up for work, as is the case with the Public company for Film Screening, which is also funded by Serbian citizens. Although there is no cinema in the Serbian communities south of the Ibar River, there is still a Public company for Film Screening and the Organization of Public Events, whose headquarters have been relocated to Gračanica.

B92: Have you ever tried to see what they do, any financial reports, because we couldn’t get access to them?
Bogdanović: Of those public companies? Well, I didn’t ask because they have no income or expenses, they only receive those salaries...

According to official data on the Business Registers Agency website, this company has a director and five members of the board.

Stojanović: No one can tell you that there is a Public company for Thermal Power Plants or a Public Heating Company or a Film Screening Company in Priština when there isn’t a single cinema south of the Ibar. This is what we are talking about — what is the practical functionality?

The financing of Serbian public companies in Kosovo is listed in the report of the Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija as "transfers to other levels of government." The money goes from the budget to municipalities that have no real authority, as is the case with Gračanica / Priština, and then the municipality finances the operation of public companies. Bogdan Savić says that the monthly budget the municipality of Priština, which is relocated to Gračanica, receives from the Serbian budget amounts to 37,329,000 dinars.

Savić: That money is used to pay the workers of all the companies. I mentioned that we have five companies, nine institutions, a municipal administration, elected officials, and appointed officials. The municipal administration has 175 employees, including 9 elected officials and 16 appointed officials.

B92: But there are also five or six public companies that operate here under your jurisdiction. One of them is, for example, the Film Screening Company...
Savić: Yes.
B92: What does it do?
Savić: The Film Screening Company doesn’t do anything.
B92: But the people employed there receive a salary?
Savić: Yes, they receive salaries, that’s correct.
B92: And it has a board of directors and employees...
Savić: Yes, it has a board of directors, that’s correct.
B92: And they all receive a salary but don’t do anything?
Savić: Yes, that’s correct. That number of workers... They could, in the future, become employees of the cultural center. The cultural center has activities throughout the year. One of the important roles of the cultural center is the celebration of the Vidovdan religious service...
B92: But that’s...
Savić: Which takes place here every year from June 6th to 28th...
B92: That’s once a year. I mean... these people have been receiving a salary for 13 years, but they don’t actually do anything...
Savić: That’s correct, that’s how it is... That’s true.
B92: And you think...
Savić: The Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija knows this, the Serbian Government knows this, and now the Office for Kosovo and Metohija knows this too.
B92: But the other public companies I’m talking about, like the Housing Copany, don’t do anything either. I want to ask you, is that a realistic situation? Serbia is allocating money for people who don’t do anything because we refuse to acknowledge reality, or what?
Savić: No, no, we acknowledge it. It’s clear that many institutions or companies have no activities, but they are still being paid from the budget.

Aside from the public utility company "Komunalac," responsible for waste removal, and the City Transport Company that transports students, none of the Serbian public companies in Gračanica, which are funded by the Serbian budget, have any responsibilities either in Priština, where they are officially registered, or in Gračanica, where they were relocated. After Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence in 2008, according to the Ahtisaari plan, a Kosovo municipality with an administration elected in Kosovo’s local elections was formed. All public utility services in Priština are handled by local Albanian public companies, while all services in Gračanica are performed by companies contracted by the Kosovo municipality, led by Bojan Stojanović.

Stojanović: On the ground, the work is done by the Gračanica municipality.
B92: So, by you?
Stojanović: Absolutely.
B92: So what do they do?
Stojanović: You would have to ask them that. Maybe they are advanced and working with "stealth" technology...
B92: How many employees do you have?
Stojanović: 66.
B92: And them?
Stojanović: No one knows the exact official number, but it’s about 1,000. Approximately 1,000.

Thus, Serbian institutions, which are practically fictitious, along with all the public companies, continue to be funded by the Serbian budget.

Savić: Well, it is logical if the Office for Kosovo and Metohija is behind it, and if the Government of the Republic of Serbia is behind it. It is logical.

At the same time, the Serbs who live in Kosovo, who never worked in state institutions and were forced to stay in Kosovo because they had nowhere else to go, receive nothing from the Serbian state. The absurdity of this system is best illustrated by the fact that, today, in almost the same yard, there are offices of fictitious Serbian public companies, funded by all Serbian citizens, while right across from them are displaced Kosovo Serbs, living in container settlements.

Savić: There are such cases. That’s true. But I’ve only been in this position since March 21st, just five or six months. And I will advocate... If I may publicly say this in front of your camera, I will advocate for the creation of a social registry for the Serbian people living in this area. What that means is, to put it simply: that every Serb living here receives a salary of, say, 20,000 dinars, and if the Office for Kosovo and Metohija provides some kind of Kosovo allowance of 15,000 dinars, that would be the best solution for all Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija.

While Serbian citizens contribute an average of 650,000 euros per day, those who are in need of assistance see none of it. At the same time, all employees in state institutions, even those who are only fictitiously employed in Kosovo, receive a salary increased by the "Kosovo allowance." Until 2008, this allowance could reach up to 100% of their salary, but since 2008, the maximum allowance has been halved to 50%. This practice began during the time of Slobodan Milošević and continued in 2003, based on a decision signed by then-Deputy Prime Minister Čedomir Jovanović.

Dragiša Đoković, member of the Serbian Parliament's Committee on Kosovo and Metohija: Well, you see, at one point, the Kosovo allowance played a significant role because, in some way, it encouraged people to stay and live there. After all, you must agree that living in the "center of Belgrade" is not the same as living and working with your family in the conditions that prevailed in Kosovo and Metohija.

The Serbs who once worked in state institutions but lost their jobs receive monthly compensation; those who still work in Serbian state institutions in Kosovo receive increased salaries, while the Serbs who never worked in state institutions receive no help from Serbia. They receive aid from NGOs, mainly through soup kitchens. Dejan Pavićević, who was recently appointed head of the Belgrade-Priština negotiation team after the change in the Serbian government, says the problem has existed for years. Pavićević was also part of the negotiation team before and, at one point, was chief of staff to former Minister Goran Bogdanović.

Pavićević: We return again to the same story — 12 or 13 years without a strategy. Maybe we should have started thinking strategically earlier. A large number of people live in Kosovo and Metohija, they need help, and maybe we should have done things differently. I keep coming back to the fact that many things have been done without any strategy. Some people remained employed.
B92: So, we've been doing things ad hoc for thirteen years?
Pavićević: Indeed.
B92: So, what's the current stance? We have 36 companies that aren’t doing anything. Will this be a way to provide what you call social assistance?

Pavićević: Let me tell you, from what I’ve seen in these few months, regarding both the new government and the President of the Republic, a very serious strategy is being developed for everything related to Kosovo and Metohija. Everything is being approached very seriously and strategically. I’m telling you, for 13 years no one has dealt with this.

According to Insider's investigation, most of the money from the budget over the past 12 years has gone toward increased salaries for healthcare and education workers who are formally employed in Kosovo. Due to the "Kosovo is Serbia" policy, the Republic Health Insurance Fund, which is financed by Serbian citizens, pays a large number of healthcare workers who are only fictitiously listed as living and working in Kosovo. For example, Serbia pays the salaries of 359 employees at the Health Center in Prizren, 19 employees at a pharmacy in the same town, 28 employees at the Special Hospital for Lung Diseases in Peć, 45 employees at the Health Center in Đakovica, 44 at the Special Hospital for Rehabilitation in Istok, and an unbelievable 647 employees at the Health Center and pharmacy in Priština.

Bogdanović: As you know, there is the Health Center in Gračanica, the Health Center in Priština, the Health Center... I mean, I’m talking about central Kosovo, the Health Center in Donja Gušterica. Right from the start, I absolutely called for a reorganization of healthcare institutions in Kosovo and Metohija. It’s absolutely unacceptable that we still have non-existent, fictitious healthcare centers, and so on, and so on.

Parts of this system are also funded by the Kosovo government. Insider obtained a payroll list from the government in Priština and found 186 employees from the relocated HMC Priština in Gračanica on it, including one doctor who is a member of the Supervisory Board, three doctors who are members of the Expert Council, and three doctors who are members of the Ethics Committee. All of them are also paid by the Republic Health Insurance Fund in Belgrade. These doctors, therefore, not only receive an increased salary from the Serbian budget but also receive a salary from the Kosovo budget.

Stojan Sekulić, Director of HMC (Hospital Medical Center) Priština: Well, let me tell you, I don’t know the exact number. I know that a number of HMC employees — doctors, medical staff, and non-medical staff — receive salaries from Kosovo institutions. In 2006, the then-president of the Coordinating Center, Mrs. Sanda Rašković, requested that everyone stop taking money from Kosovo institutions. At that time, I brought three bags of evidence to the Coordinating Center, showing that everyone had stopped because they had all provided proof that they closed their accounts and signed statements that they no longer received money from Kosovo institutions. However, what happened three years later was that they all started receiving money again. I know that they simply transferred their accounts from one bank to another. Now, I don’t know how many medical and non-medical employees are still receiving money from Kosovo institutions, but I know they are. This list is hidden from me as the Director of HMC, hidden very carefully. I don’t know why.

One example that best illustrates how uncontrolled spending occurs, while those who really need the money receive nothing, is the village of Donja Gušterica in southern Kosovo, just 40 kilometers from Gračanica. According to Insider's investigation, the Health Center in this small village, aside from workers, has a director, a financial director, a head of the legal department, an advisor for administrative affairs, an advisor for technical matters, and a specialist in dental prosthetics — even though there is no dental prosthetics service organized in the center.

Bogdanović: I absolutely agree, but let me just say, I don’t sign healthcare salaries, nor is there a dual signature system in place. That is handled by the Health Insurance Fund. So, we have nothing to do with it. If only it were just Donja Gušterica, if only it were just Donja Gušterica…
B92: So what else is there?

Bogdanović: There are certainly more such cases, and many of them. Believe me, we have a very chaotic situation in the healthcare system down there. Back in 2009, I requested that everything be placed under the jurisdiction of the Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija, so that all funding for Kosovo and Metohija comes from one central point.

The commission of the Republic Health Insurance Fund discovered abuses worth 720,000 euros that occurred in just one year of operations at the Donja Gušterica Health Center. However, the public is unaware of this because the commission’s report was labeled “internal” and was never published. Dr. Bogoljub Stefanović, the director of this health center, remains in his position. He refused to speak with Insider.

The report shows that the majority of the funds were misused through inflated salaries — by falsifying payroll lists and hiring people through family and political connections, who didn’t even show up for work. These workers did not perform any work for which they were paid, but they were still regularly listed in the records.

Ivanović: If the ruling parties initiate something like this, it would be great for the opposition, who will say, "Look at what this government is doing, it's driving Serbs out of Kosovo." So, under the guise of patriotism and who is a bigger patriot, conditions are often created for all sorts of malpractices.

According to Insider's investigation, a large number of healthcare and education workers received three salaries for a long time — a Serbian salary doubled with the Kosovo allowance from the Belgrade budget, and a third salary from the Priština budget, though formally from UNMIK at the time. After the unilateral declaration of Kosovo’s independence on February 17, 2008, the Serbian government, led by Vojislav Koštunica, called on all Serbs to resign from Kosovo institutions. This applied to education, healthcare, and other workers, as it was a condition for receiving a salary from the Serbian budget. However, soon after, they reopened their accounts, thus beginning to receive two salaries — one from the Serbian and one from the Kosovo budget.

In just four Serbian municipalities in northern Kosovo — Leposavić, Zvečan, Zubin Potok, and northern Kosovska Mitrovica — Insider found 1,303 people on the payroll of the Kosovo Government: workers in municipal structures, employees of primary and secondary schools, and even those in fire stations. Most of them also receive an increased salary from the Serbian budget.

Đoković: Once again, I want to say that I absolutely do not support this — receiving salaries from the budget of the Republic of Serbia and from Hashim Thaçi's budget. This is something I have always publicly condemned and never approved of, and I don’t think any serious politician would approve of such actions.

The list of those who would effectively receive double salaries began to be compiled as early as 2000. At that time, UNMIK offered to pay all Serbian civil servants in Kosovo. In 2002, Serbia called on Serbs to participate in the elections organized by UNMIK. Local governments were then elected, with Serbs having an absolute majority in the municipalities of Leposavić, Zvečan, and Zubin Potok. These elections were recognized by Serbia, so the officials and workers of the municipal administrations received funds both from UNMIK and the Serbian budget for years.

Serbs completely boycotted the next UNMIK elections in 2007, so UNMIK decided to extend the mandate of the administration elected in 2002. After Kosovo’s declaration of independence in July 2008, the Kosovo government decided to recognize the 2002 election results as the legal situation until local elections in the north are held according to Kosovo laws.

Following the 2008 independence declaration, local elections were held according to Serbian laws, but these administrations are not recognized as legal by Priština. Thus, the members of these local governments, if they were not previously in power, are not on the current list. Those still on Priština’s payroll are the ones who took office in the 2002 elections.

Saša Dedović, President of the Provincial Committee of SDPS: Well, there is a list, there is a list of who receives... whose account the money is deposited into...
B92: Whose account is the money deposited into?
Dedović: Well, there is a list, there is a list.
B92: Have you seen it?
Dedović: I have.
B92: And who is on it?
Dedović: At the top are Dragiša Milović, Milan Ivanović, and others. These are people who have gotten enormously rich, but they still receive something small, around 700, 800, 900 euros a month.
B92: Okay, but are you sure they are getting that money since they all claim to have closed the accounts through which they were receiving funds from UNMIK?
Dedović: They definitely receive it in their accounts. Whether they withdraw the money and who withdraws it and how—that's a matter for investigation. I have never participated in such a scheme, I have never recognized Kosovo, and I’ve never taken their ID card, nor will I. But those who did, there is a list.

In an official response to Insider, the Kosovo government confirmed that Milan Ivanović, who is the president of the Serb National Council of Northern Kosovo, still receives a salary of 500 euros from their budget, allegedly as the deputy mayor of Zvečan. The list also includes Dragiša Milović from the DSS, the mayor of Zvečan, with a salary of 633 euros. Both Ivanović and Milović claim that the list is a forgery and that they received salaries during the UNMIK administration but have since closed their accounts. Milović even provided Insider with proof that he had closed his account.

Milan Ivanović refused to give an interview to Insider, but in a phone conversation, he stated that the list with his name is a forgery because he was never the deputy mayor of Zvečan, only a municipal councilor. When asked whether he had been the deputy mayor at some point, he admitted that he had been in 2004. According to him, he closed the account where Priština was sending money and does not wish to receive it, claiming that the Kosovo government’s information is simply a lie.

The official Kosovo salary list also includes Velimir Bojović, the former mayor of Leposavić from the DSS, with a salary of 870 euros. He, too, said in a phone conversation that this is false and that he had closed his account. "Maybe they are depositing money, but no one is withdrawing it," Bojović said.

After the claims made by Milan Ivanović, Dragiša Milović, and Velimir Bojović that the list is a forgery and that the information confirmed by the Kosovo government to Insider is incorrect, we sent another request asking where Priština is depositing the money if those on the list claim their accounts are closed. However, we received a brief response: "We have already answered that question."

The list contains more than 1,000 names, including those working in municipal structures as well as healthcare and education institutions. You will see more details about this in the next episode. Despite the claims by DSS officials that they have closed their accounts, this list shows that for years, it was acceptable to the Serbian state that officials, individuals in municipal administrations, and employees in education and healthcare institutions received salaries from UNMIK while also receiving money from the Serbian budget. Meanwhile, Serbs who never worked in state institutions receive no assistance from the state.

Nebojša Jović, the Vice President of the Serbian National Council for Northern Kosovo and Metohija, stated that he never took money from UNMIK or the Kosovo Government.

Jović: "I know there were several times when it was said that the entire political leadership was receiving salaries from Albanians. For example, I was on the municipal council for one year, in 2008 during the elections, but as a member of the Serbian National Council on the DSS list. I didn’t participate in the discussions, but I know that at that time, the rumors were that everyone was receiving a salary from UNMIK. As a council member, I didn’t receive a single dinar from UNMIK or any Albanian money. I remember speaking up during one assembly session, asking if anyone was actually receiving money because there were claims that it was 'dirty money.' I then said that if the money is dirty, let’s not take it, but if it isn’t, let’s all take it."

The fact is, that for years, the authorities have been aware of various financial abuses involving money from the budget intended to help the vulnerable population in Kosovo. However, no one dares to investigate these abuses, even though it’s well-known that some Serbs in Kosovo receive up to three salaries, while others don’t even have social assistance.

Ivanović: "As long as the cost doesn’t become so large that it causes a reaction stronger than the sentiment towards Kosovo, this will continue."

B92: "The cost is higher. It’s also higher because the aid is not reaching those who need it."

Ivanović: "That’s regrettable. I sincerely regret that I wasn’t in a position to do more for those in need."

B92: "Will there come a time when helping the poor will be a political success, after all these years?"

Ivanović: "That’s a constant political issue, and I’ve already told you what I think."

B92: "But it’s been abused..."

Ivanović: "That’s true. It won’t be effective until a minimum political consensus is reached between the government and the opposition on certain issues. The number one issue is preventing abuses."

Saša Dedović, a member of the presidency of Rasim Ljajić’s Social Democratic Party of Serbia (SDPS) and the president of the Provincial Committee of this party, is an employee of Elektrokosmet and the owner of the "Saša" hotel in Kosovska Mitrovica. He was the deputy mayor of the Serbian municipality of Kosovska Mitrovica until October 2010, when a change in the ruling coalition led to new municipal leadership. He claims that no one from Belgrade dares to oppose the local leaders who have ruled Northern Kosovo for years.

Dedović: "It’s a public secret that Northern Kosovo is ruled by the gray eminence, Marko Jakšić, and the establishment surrounding him and the policies he leads."

B92: "Who allows this autocracy?"

Dedović: "Those who don’t prevent it. You know, if someone in the Serbian government doesn’t want to prevent all these malpractices, knowing that in Mitrovica, there is complete anarchy, lawlessness, and that the police don’t do their job, even though they receive double salaries, then it’s those who don’t stop it, those who ignore it and sweep it under the rug."

The power in northern Kosovo has been held by individuals for years, and they will be discussed in the upcoming episodes. One of them is Marko Jakšić from the DSS, who, according to notes published on WikiLeaks, is referred to as the "king" of northern Kosovo. Representatives of the DSS have refused to answer questions or explain to the public what has been happening, citing the excuse that the DSS does not speak to Insajder. After dozens of calls, Insajder reporters recorded one of the last attempts to get Jakšić to agree to an interview:

B92: Good afternoon, Irena Stević, B92, Insajder program.
Jakšić: Are you aware that I am a member of the Democratic Party of Serbia?
B92: I don’t understand why you’re telling me this?
Jakšić: Are you aware that we have a stance, that the DSS Presidency has decided not to respond to calls from B92?
B92: This now seems like an excuse...
Jakšić: Please don’t call me. You know my party's stance. Our discussions are over.

TO BE CONTINUED...