Patriotic theft - part 5 (VIDEO)

In the last episode, you saw how the state, under the pretext of helping affected populations, approved a project worth 16 million euros to assist those whose homes were damaged in the 2002 earthquake in Kosovsko Pomoravlje. Ten years later, Insajder filmed numerous houses in the Gnjilane area that were never rebuilt. At the same time, in the north of Kosovo, in four municipalities with a majority Serbian population, 14 million euros were invested from the budget to purchase apartments owned by Albanians to provide housing for internally displaced persons in Kosovo. However, the apartments, which all Serbian citizens paid for through the budget, were distributed along political lines, and today, displaced Serbs still live in refugee camps and container settlements.

In addition to all this, millions from the budget were allocated for large investment projects in Kosovo. Serbian citizens paid contractors for buildings that were never even started.

What Serbian citizens have paid for, without anyone overseeing whether the money was spent appropriately, is most evident in the fact that even projects that were never completed, or whose construction hasn't started in years, were paid for.

Dragiša Đoković, member of the Committee for Kosovo and Metohija: I have been a member of the Committee for Kosovo and Metohija since 2001, since the committee was established. In addition to that, I was also a member of the Coordination Center for Kosovo and Metohija, so I had the opportunity, both directly and indirectly, unfortunately, to learn many times about how things are done and what is being done.

B92: So, who received the money intended for Serbs in Kosovo?

Đoković: Well, the money intended for Serbs in Kosovo, to be precise and honest, mostly ended up in Belgrade. It was only formally sent to Kosovo, but it actually stayed here.

Borislav Stefanović, former head of the negotiation team in talks with Priština: I am sure that certain abuses occurred on the ground, and all Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija know this. After all, if you look at the monuments, so to speak, the monuments of unfinished investments in Kosovo and Metohija, they testify to poor management of public money.

B92: You didn’t answer my question—why hasn’t this government had the strength to investigate why we have these “monuments to failed investments”?

Stefanović: I think this government is the first one to begin investigating that. And I think it is the first that has done something about it, if we want to be completely fair and honest.

Goran Bogdanović, former Minister for Kosovo and Metohija: The data shows that, with much less money, we managed to do much more when it comes to building houses, apartments, roads, streets, infrastructure, and sewage systems down there. We are building apartments down there for 280 euros per square meter, and for 310, and 320, you know?

B92: What was the price?

Bogdanović: According to our knowledge, it ranged from around 400, 500, and even up to 700 euros.

B92: Where did that money go? We're talking about huge sums.

Bogdanović: Well, I don’t know, I don’t know where it went. It’s up to the relevant authorities to determine, if there were any abuses, where that money went.

Contracts for the two largest state projects, the construction of the Gerontological Center and the construction of four buildings in northern Kosovo, were signed during the period when Zoran Živković’s government called for early elections. The elections were announced in November, and until the new government was elected, there was practically a caretaker government in power. One contract was signed in December, and the other a month later, in January 2004. Serbian citizens paid an advance of around three million euros from the budget for just two projects that were never completed.

B92: How come these two major projects in northern Kosovo were concluded right during the transition period between two governments?

Nebojša Čović, President of the Coordination Center (2001–2005): Because it was in line with the Coordination Center's plan and program for 2004.

B92: And neither of these projects was completed, not even started.

Čović: Well, you could criticize me if I had stayed in the Coordination Center continuously. That’s one thing. Secondly, you could criticize me if the Coordination Center’s authority over investments hadn’t been taken away. The Ministry for Capital Investments is a serious ministry of the Government of the Republic of Serbia. There’s another thing you keep avoiding, as if you don’t know what happened on March 17, 2004. And there's another important point: What kind of period is this transition between two governments?

B92: We don’t live in Switzerland, we live in Serbia.

Čović: I know, I know that very well, but I’m not sure that we share the same view on the quality of life in Serbia.

B92: You and I?

Čović: Yes, yes.

According to official documentation, which Insajder journalists obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, for example, the company Masters, led at the time by Bojan Radovanović, was paid an advance of 1.5 million euros from the Serbian budget for a project that was never started, specifically the construction of the Gerontological Center in Kosovska Mitrovica. This center was supposed to care for the socially vulnerable and the elderly. The state approved the project, worth about four million euros, without a completed plan.

B92: How is it possible for the state to "approve" a project or sign a contract without a main project plan and without construction deadlines? A contract worth four million euros?

Čović: First, the state didn’t "approve" anything related to that. A contract was signed, and an advance of 15 million dinars was released for the preparation of the project. After that, on March 10, 2004, the entire project was transferred to the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. And everything else, you’ll have to ask the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. Because from that point onwards, the project had nothing to do with the Coordination Center.

B92: But you were the head of the Coordination Center when that contract was signed.

Čović: That’s correct, and I was also the head of the Coordination Center when all those projects were taken away from the Coordination Center and transferred to the relevant ministry.

B92: But the money was paid while you were in the Coordination Center.

Čović: 15 million dinars.

B92: And nothing was done on the ground.

Čović: No, that wasn’t money for the ground; it was for project preparation and complete documentation.

B92: We are talking about the entire Gerontological Center project, that nothing was done.

Čović: You need to discuss that further with the ministry and the then minister.

Nebojša Čović claims that the Coordination Center paid the advance, but the government led by Vojislav Koštunica transferred the final execution of the project to the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy in mid-2004.

Slobodan Lalović, the then Minister of Labor and Social Policy, says that it was an old project and that he doesn’t remember any details about it.

It all began when the request for construction was submitted in 2003 by Miladin Đurović, director of the Inter-Municipal Center for Social Work from Kosovska Mitrovica. The reason for the construction of the center was that all facilities for caring for the elderly were located in the southern, Albanian part.

Miladin Đurović, director of the Inter-Municipal Center for Social Work: If we had access to the Gerontological Center in the south, there would have been no need to build one. But our idea was to bring those people here so they could, those who were in homes or gerontological institutions, communicate and be closer to their loved ones.

B92: Was there a project for the construction of the Gerontological Center?

Đurović: To be honest, I can't remember at this moment whether there was a project. Probably there was. Certainly, yes. I don’t believe... let me tell you...

B92: How was the price of 282 million dinars determined?

Đurović: Well, based on the project, surely.

B92: And you signed a contract for 282 million dinars, which at that time was over four million euros, with a 40% advance?

Đurović: Well, certainly, if that’s what the contract says. I don’t have the contract with me right now, but probably that’s the case.

B92: I mean, it’s not common to agree on a 40% advance for a project, especially without project documentation.

Đurović: Let me tell you something. Here, as I’ve said before, we didn’t sign anything without the green light from Belgrade. Do you understand me?

The company Masters, which never built the center, was awarded the project. Later, it introduced the company Daki as a subcontractor, which at that time was owned by Idriz Šijak, an Albanian from Kosovska Mitrovica.

According to documents obtained by Insajder, it is evident that the company Masters had a permit to build a four-story Gerontological Center, which was issued, quite unusually, during the NATO bombing in May 1999. The project, valued at four million euros, began before the main project was completed and before construction deadlines were set.

Čović: The contractor was chosen by the institution whose task it was to announce the tender and select the contractor.

B92: They say they couldn’t do it alone, that they sought help from the Coordination Center, and that the Coordination Center...

Čović: What they say, what they say, doesn’t concern me at all. They need to prove what they say. And it’s not true. They had the autonomy to choose.

During 2003, most of the work for the state of Serbia in Kosovo was carried out by the companies Masters and Daki. As Insajder revealed in the previous episode, these companies were also involved in purchasing apartments in northern Kosovo for the needs of internally displaced persons. Behind both companies—those purchasing apartments and building in Kosovo—was effectively Bojan Radovanović, as the owner of Masters and as the representative of Daki, whose owner at the time was the Albanian Idriz Šijak, since Radovanović had authorization to represent that company.

Radovanović was recently in custody because, according to a police criminal complaint, he had illegally obtained bank loans. He refused to speak with Insajder, stating that he had already voluntarily given all the details about the work in Kosovo to the Special Prosecutor. He was also the head of FK Novi Pazar and FK BASK, and for several years, he was a member of the Board of Directors of FK Partizan.

His company Masters signed a contract with the state in 2003 to build the Gerontological Center, but today, not even the foundations exist on the site.

Around 40% of the total price was paid in advance from the budget for the construction of the Gerontological Center. This means that around 1.5 million euros were paid, and on that site, the company Masters only cleared the land and put up a fence. For this project, Bojan Radovanović, the owner of Masters, according to documentation held by state authorities, which Insajder obtained under the law, hired a subcontractor, Daki, whose owner was Idriz Šijak.

B92: At what point did the company Daki get involved in the project?

Đurović: Get involved in the project? Where?

B92: In the project to build the Gerontological Center.

Đurović: I have no idea that Daki got involved. We had no contact with the company Daki in terms of paying them any money. We transferred all the funds, as instructed by the ministry, to where we were told to, which was Masters.

B92: So, you don’t know at all that Daki was involved in the project?

Đurović: I don’t know.

B92: Have you heard of the company Daki?

Đurović: I’ve heard of a company called Daki, but to be honest, I haven’t noticed them in this area. Maybe they are working somewhere else.

When it comes to the construction of the Gerontological Center, Idriz Šijak, the then-owner of the company Daki, who is listed as a subcontractor in the official documentation, says it’s the first time he’s hearing that he was involved in the project and that he was never paid for such work. Šijak also says that he never even owned a concrete mixer.

Idriz Šijak, owner of company Daki: This is the first time I’ve heard from you about the Gerontological Center. I never knew anything about it. I didn’t even have a simple concrete mixer, let alone build a building. A center.

B92: We have expert findings that state your company was paid over 100 million dinars.

Šijak: And how much money is that?

B92: You tell me—you received the money.

Šijak: Bravo, good job, my friend. You could keep me entertained for a while here. But to be honest, we really have to—this is something for the Guinness Book of Records.

After months of searching, Insajder journalists found Idriz Šijak, the owner of the company Daki, outside Serbia. In 2003, he was purchasing apartments owned by Albanians on behalf of the state. As shown in the previous episode of Insajder, in an interview recorded a few months ago, Šijak admitted that he was involved in the purchase of the apartments but denied controlling the account where the state funds were deposited.

Šijak: "Even Hitchcock couldn't have directed this like this, if you believe me. I swear. And why am I calm? Only for one reason. There's no trace of me where the money is, where it was taken, where it was distributed, tangled up. The only thing I took was when I finished with the real estate, I got this much..."

The center for elderly care, although paid in advance with funds amounting to 1.5 million euros, was never built. Šijak's company, which was hired as a subcontractor for the work, revealed that it didn't even have a concrete mixer.

B92: What was done on-site? Is the Gerontology Center there now?

Đurović: No, there is nothing, and that’s the tragedy.

B92: And where are all the people who were supposed to be housed there?

Đurović: Well, the people who were supposed to be housed there, some of them were relocated, we placed them in Kraljevo, Kragujevac, and other cities in Serbia.

Socially vulnerable and elderly people, who were supposed to be housed in the Gerontology Center, for which an advance of 1.5 million euros was paid from the state budget, today live in collective centers across Serbia. The Insajder team visited a refugee center in Kraljevo.

The same companies, Masters and Daki, also participated in another state project that was never completed—the construction of four buildings in northern Kosovska Mitrovica for internally displaced persons. This project is known as "Lamele." Even today, 10 years later, the site remains a field; not even the foundations have been built. In 2003, Serbian citizens paid nearly 1.4 million euros in advance for this project through the state budget.

B92: How is it possible that the companies Masters and Daki got so many contracts in northern Kosovo while you were head of the Coordination Center?

Čović: Everything was organized through tenders, announced by local governments. No tender was announced or the contractor chosen by the Coordination Center, nor by the head of the Coordination Center, despite many wanting to spread the story that it was done by the head of the Coordination Center. It wasn’t, I’m sory, but there’s nothing I can do. It wasn’t my job.

Čović claims that all decisions were made by the Kosovska Mitrovica district, headed by Dragan Kalaba. Kalaba declined to speak to Insajder. On the other hand, Idriz Šijak, the owner of the company Daki, says he did sign the contract to build the buildings but did so at the insistence of Bojan Radovanović, the owner of the company Masters.

Šijak: And then Bojan said to me, "You know what, it would be good if we signed a contract, I have someone there for the construction of buildings." Some "Lamele," I don't know how many square meters. Some say four, some say seven lamellas, I have no idea. And that we should sign those contracts. Fine, no problem, and I signed. I hope I didn’t commit any sin by signing for the construction of buildings. And I signed a blank paper agreeing that everything necessary would be inserted to ensure the buildings were built.

The “Lamele” project formally began with a letter from Dragan Kalaba, then head of the Kosovska Mitrovica district, to Nebojša Čović, stating that the district supports the program for survival of Serbs in northern Kosovo. This project, according to Nebojša Čović, was too large for the Coordination Center, which was then responsible for handling budget allocations for Kosovo.

Čović: The project started in early 2004. Since the Coordination Center didn’t have the capacity to handle such a large project of over 10,000 square meters, we consulted with and enlisted the help of the Republic Directorate for Construction Land, which had the necessary resources.

According to the Budget Inspection, which investigated all these payments made with Serbian citizens' money, the buildings were never constructed, although the company "Daki" was paid nearly 1.4 million euros. Šijak denied to Insajder that he ever received that money.

B92: You were paid almost 1.4 million euros...

Šijak: Yes, bravo, my friend, I was paid, but only in imagination. Even though it looks like what you're saying is true. Whoever went further, go after them. You understand...

B92: Do you know who that is?

Šijak: Well, I’m telling you, everyone above.

While Serbian citizens were paying for buildings that were never even started, for years court proceedings have been ongoing in Serbia, where contractors, i.e., the company Daki in the case of Lamele, sued the state of Serbia for unpaid funds. In a legal dispute that lasted for years, the company Daki demanded additional payments from the state, including for the purchase and work on apartments, commissions, and investments in the "Lamele." Experts were engaged and found that the state still owed money to the company Daki. After several appeals, the state lost the case.

Čović: I think the project was worth about 460 million dinars, and that the Coordination Center paid an advance of 80 million, and the Directorate paid 30 million dinars from its funds. After March 10, when the new government came in, I repeat, all funding was halted, and all projects were transferred to the relevant ministries, including this project, which then went to the Ministry of Capital Investments.

B92: Why was the Lamele project never completed?

Čović: Funding was halted, and afterward, the Ministry of Capital Investments continued with the project. Then a lawsuit emerged, we were sued for that, and in that lawsuit, we, as the Coordination Center, clearly stated our reasons and clearly requested that all invested funds be justified. We included the Republic’s Public Attorney in the entire court process. And that was his job from then on.

B92: And?

Čović: And what happened next? The state lost the case. And who’s to blame again? The head of the Coordination Center?

B92: But isn’t your name on that contract?

Čović: Well, no, my name is typed below, and it was signed by the secretary of the Coordination Center.

B92: In your name...

Čović: But, but the contract between us and the Directorate was transferred...

B92: There’s also Idriz Šijak's signature...

Čović: No.

B92: Yes.

Čović: Well, I don’t know, fine, whatever.

B92: Yes.

Čović: The contract was later transferred to the Ministry...

B92: Again, a company that doesn’t even have its own concrete mixer...

Čović: The contract was transferred to the Ministry, transferred to the Ministry of Capital Investments, and that was its further responsibility.

B92: Why did you sign a contract with a company...

Čović: I didn’t sign any contract.

B92: Why did your secretary sign a contract in your name with a company that doesn’t...

Čović: Do you have authorization that I gave my secretary to sign?

B92: So, your secretary signed without your knowledge?

Čović: He didn’t sign without my knowledge…

B92: So then?

Čović: And that’s a completely normal procedure and a normal start to a project.

B92: With a company that doesn’t have a concrete mixer?

Čović: A normal start to a project, and that project would have certainly been completed if we hadn’t been stripped of the right to handle it, if the funding hadn’t been stopped, and if the events of March 17, 2004 hadn’t occurred, which, to be honest, created an atmosphere in Kosovo that made it impossible for us to continue working.

Dragan Kalaba, the head of the Kosovska Mitrovica district, refused to give an interview to Insajder but provided our team with a statement he gave to the police about the "Lamele" project.

The statement was given on September 8, 2010.

In it, he mentions that in May 2004, after the change of government, a meeting was held at the Coordination Center. Present at the meeting were Vladimir Rakić, a government representative in Kosovska Mitrovica and a member of the Northern Kosovo and Metohija Serbian National Council (SNV), and Stojanka Petković, a member of G17 Plus and responsible for social affairs at the Coordination Center. Rakić expressed the view that the "Lamele" project should be halted. Kalaba stated in his testimony that, as far as he was concerned, the "Lamele" project was stopped that day.

It’s not known what the result of the police investigation into this project was.

B92: And? Once again, Serbian citizens’ money went to something that wasn’t done?

Čović: I left...

B92: And it was given to a company that couldn’t even do it...

Čović: I left, that’s what you're claiming, that’s your story.

B92: No, I’m not claiming that, the owner of the company is.

Čović: Well, that’s your perspective. I’m not going to engage in it because it doesn’t interest me. And those funds from Serbian citizens should have been returned. Since you keep mentioning Serbian citizens’ funds, Serbian citizens, and I hope you’ll air this, need to know that everything that was done with their money was transferred to the Republic Directorate for Property of the Republic of Serbia. Everything that was done was transferred to the Directorate for Property. And you should ask them if they’re doing their job.

B92: What can we ask you?

Čović: Everything you asked me, I answered very properly, except for the time period…

B92: You answered, but for most things, you said you weren’t responsible.

Čović: No, I think I am responsible…

B92: And that it’s not a question for you...

Čović: I don’t consider myself responsible for what wasn’t within my scope of work. Now, whether you like that or not, I don’t know, but I know that the documentation up until March 10, 2004, for everything done until then, was first transferred to the ministries and then to the Republic Directorate for Property. On September 1, 2005, I left the Coordination Center. So there was enough time for the Republic Directorate for Property to raise objections. They never did.

As political power changed in Serbia, so did the companies that were awarded large state contracts in Kosovo. These investments in building construction and roads were paid for by all Serbian citizens through the budget.

Bogdanović: If you recall, I have repeatedly spoken and specifically called, as you mentioned the parliamentary committee earlier, and I have constantly urged the relevant authorities to take action, because it is my personal wish—I know that the people down there are eager for the truth.

For the period up to 2006, according to an explanation from the Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija, there is no proper record of who Serbian citizens were paying for the work, as the documentation is either disorganized or archived. This period, before 2006, is characterized by projects for which private companies were paid but were never completed. Goran Bogdanović claims that during the previous government, in which he was a minister, they reduced costs, among other things, by abolishing advance payments, proving that for years, money had been unnecessarily leaving the budget.

Bogdanović: According to the law, if I’m not mistaken, 25 percent can be paid in advance. We don’t want to take the bread out of mouth of people here in central Serbia so that we can live better down there in Kosovo and Metohija, behaving wastefully.

Regarding infrastructure projects, for which funds are allocated for construction, it turned out that over the last 12 years, these projects were overpaid, and many of them have been under construction for years.

B92: But how is it possible that many of these projects remain unfinished?

Radenko Nedeljković, head of the Kosovska Mitrovica district: Well, I think that’s a question for other state authorities, the ones through whom the financing was done, so that question should be directed to them.

B92: But you would agree that there was misuse?

Nedeljković: No. I would agree that there are projects that have been started on the ground, and there are also projects that haven’t even begun, even though funds were allocated for the construction of certain buildings that were never built. So, again, I tell you, I know that the state authorities are aware of this, and I expect that in the coming period, the state will take measures in this direction.

B92: If they haven’t done anything so far, why do you expect that they will do something in the next period?

Nedeljković: Well, I think that the promises made during this election campaign are clear—that the next government will decisively confront organized crime.

B92: And you believe in campaign promises?

Nedeljković: Absolutely.

Insajder, under the Freedom of Information Act, obtained data revealing which private companies have been building in Kosovo in recent years.

From 2006 to 2010 alone, the state invested at least 16 million euros in construction projects in Kosovo, and this is just for projects funded by the National Investment Plan and the Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija. As much as 14 million euros were divided among ten companies that received the highest-paying state contracts. The remaining 2 million euros worth of contracts were awarded to the remaining 33 companies working in Kosovo.

Đoković: There were even cases where a contractor would show up, who, by the way, only had a briefcase and a stamp inside that briefcase, and he would go to one of the institutions of the Republic of Serbia, where it was possible, and sign a contract for a job as if he was going to build something. After that, he would go to the site, and he was even paid an advance, without digging a single shovel into the ground.

At the top of the list, both in terms of the number of contracts awarded and the contracted amount, is the company Dinamik Trade. The director of the company, Krsto Milić, was on the board of the Trepča mining complex. From 2007 to 2010, the state awarded this company contracts worth four million euros. According to financial reports submitted by the company to the Agency for Business Registers, from 2008 to 2011, the company had between 14 and 22 employees. 

The second on the list is the company Amiga from Kraljevo, which was awarded a contract worth over two million euros in 2007 for the construction of a sports hall in Leposavić. Amiga from Kraljevo appears in official reports submitted by political parties on the financing of political activities, as a financier of the G17 Plus party. The company has about 400 employees. 

The company Novi Pazar Put, owned by Putevi Užice, one of the larger road construction companies headed by Vasilije Mićić, signed seven contracts worth 1.9 million euros. The company has over 500 employees. 

The company Ozring from Zvečan, owned by Dragan Adžić, had four employees in 2008 when it received contracts and signed four contracts with the state worth 1.6 million euros. From 2008 to 2011, Ozring had a maximum of 13 employees. 

The company Kamilja from Leposavić, co-owned by Bojan Jakovljević, the head of SNS for northern Kosovo, signed one contract worth 1.1 million euros. In 2008, the company had two employees, and today it has none. 

The company PGP Kolašin from Zubin Potok, run by the family of high-ranking DSS official Vladimir Milentijević, signed six contracts worth one million euros. In 2008, PGP Kolašin had 35 employees, and by the end of 2011, it had only seven. 

The company Ekskos from Zubin Potok also received contracts. The director of the company is Gordan Kasalović, who is also the director and co-owner of the company Dikodil. This company is linked in Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) documents to the business dealings of Bishop Artemije, who was defrocked due to financial abuses. Ekskos signed three contracts with the state worth 900,000 euros. The company has one employee. 

B92: Our investigation has shown that business success in Kosovo largely depends on political connections... 

Bogdanović: I can guarantee you, not just promise but 100 percent assure you, that such things do not happen under my watch. Not that I am trying to justify myself in any way, because you know if you want to operate dishonestly or unscrupulously, then you don’t issue public calls, you don’t limit the price, you don’t conduct assessments, you allow amendments to the contracts... 

The company MBA Miljković, owned by the Miljković family, has been handling multi-million euro infrastructure projects across Serbia in recent years and also maintains roads in Kosovo. JP Putevi Srbije (Serbia Roads Public Enterprise) pays three affiliated companies owned by the Miljković family for road maintenance in Kosovo. In a response to Insajder, JP Putevi Srbije stated that between 2005 and 2010, these companies were paid 15 million euros.

The Miljković family has two companies: one based in Belgrade, MBA Miljković, owned by Branko Miljković, and another headquartered in Zvečan, MAB Miljković, run by Branko Miljković's father, Milivoje Miljković. 

According to the company’s website, they have completed several projects in Kosovo. 

They worked on the construction of the Institute for Public Health in Kosovska Mitrovica, the Infectious Diseases Clinic in Kosovska Mitrovica, the Center for People with Special Needs in Žažina Potok near Zvečan, the sports hall at the "Vuk Karadžić" elementary school in Sočanica – Leposavić, the reconstruction of the "Children's Clinic and Blood Transfusion Service" building, and the construction of a sports hall in Kosovska Mitrovica.

Interestingly, one of the directors at Orbita Communications, a company owned by members of the Miljković family, was Dejan Radenković, a member of the SPS, until 2010. Radenković has also been a member of the Serbian Parliament's Committee for Kosovo and Metohija in recent years. 

Radenković declined to give an interview to Insajder.

While some companies working on state projects in Kosovo have changed as the political power in Serbia shifted, the company Dinamik Trade has continued to work on projects funded by Serbian citizens through the budget. Dinamik Trade, first on the list both in terms of the number of contracts and the value of projects, has still not completed the construction of a building in Leposavić meant for staff from that municipality. The project’s value has increased through annexes, and the state has paid approximately one million euros from the budget for this unfinished work. This means that the cost per apartment under construction was around 30,000 euros—comparable to the price of a small finished apartment in New Belgrade at that time. The building was supposed to be completed by February 2004 but remains unfinished to this day.

Dinamik Trade is owned by Krsto Milić, a former member of the Board of Directors of the Trepča Mining Complex. Because of this, many people link this company to the director of Trepča, Jovan Dimkić, who was once the secretary of the Serbian National Council for Northern Kosovo and Metohija. In a brief phone conversation with Insajder, Dimkić denied any connection to this company.

The company PGP Kolašin received around 400,000 euros from the Serbian budget for the construction of two buildings. This company is owned by Vlastimir Milentijević, brother of Vladimir Milentijević—a member of the DSS Main Board and a member of the Serbian Parliament's Committee for Kosovo and Metohija.

This wasn’t PGP Kolašin’s first involvement in large state projects. In the last five years alone, the company has been engaged in four projects funded by the National Investment Plan and several local projects.

Đoković: To be honest, I expected back in 2008, when we formed the last government on July 7th, that things would progress much faster, clearer, and more openly, and that we would correct many of these anomalies, injustices, and bad practices. But I have to say I’m not entirely satisfied with the pace and the way things have been handled, though I do think some progress is being made.

B92: There’s no pace; nothing has been done.

Đoković: Well, something has been done. For example, unfortunately, the budget for Kosovo and Metohija is now incomparably smaller than it was back then. Things are now being done much more transparently and publicly, and the rules are generally, more or less, being followed, I think...

B92: But the responsibility of those who were in power before hasn’t been questioned.

Đoković: That's right, you’re correct.

Aleksandar Popov, Center for Regionalism: Well, this shows that by sweeping things under the rug, not wanting to deal with the issue of Kosovo, because they think that would open Pandora’s box, the lack of definition and regulation of certain issues has led to damage to Serbia’s budget, which is borne by all Serbian citizens. So, the political aspect got mixed up with other factors, leading to tangible consequences.

Patriotism and the protection of Serbian interests have been an excuse for the misuse of the state budget for years, in a system where Serbian laws practically don’t apply. There are almost no criminal proceedings. Since the army and police, as well as almost all institutions responsible for oversight, left Kosovo’s territory in 1999, a kind of vacuum was created in northern Kosovo. This system has been defended by all the protests and barricades in northern Kosovo over the years.

According to Insajder’s investigation, those who appeared at the barricades and those who oppose Kosovo's independence have simultaneously registered companies in Kosovo's business registry under their own names or through family members, thereby effectively recognizing the Republic of Kosovo.

Đoković: Well, it means what it means. To register there, you first need to obtain an ID card and…

B92: Of the Republic of Kosovo...

Đoković: ...and fill out a form that says “Republic of Kosovo,” and so on and so forth. So that obviously means something.

B92: That is an acknowledgment of the Republic of Kosovo…

Đoković: Well, in some way, if you want, you can interpret it like that.

The company Ibar Invest, which is registered in Serbia as a joint-stock company with mixed ownership, is officially represented, according to APR (Serbian Business Registers Agency) data, by Zoran Jakšić, the brother of Marko Jakšić, the head of the DSS for Kosovo. This company was registered in 2002 during the UNMIK administration and is still listed in the Kosovo business registry.

In a phone conversation with Insajder, Zoran Jakšić said it was a complete lie that Ibar Invest was registered in the Kosovo business registry, even though this registration can be seen on the website of the Kosovo Business Registration Agency.

B92: We found Ibar Invest registered in the Kosovo registry…

Zoran Jakšić, director of Ibar Invest: Yes…

B92: Why is that…

Jakšić: Where? Where?

B92: In the Kosovo business registry.

Jakšić: In Kosovo?

B92: Yes.

Jakšić: That’s an outright lie, that’s nonsense, that’s…

B92: Well no, it’s not an outright lie, it’s not nonsense. It’s in the official Kosovo company registry, with Ibar Invest’s registration dating back to around 2002. That was during the UNMIK administration.

Jakšić: No, it doesn’t exist, it definitely doesn’t, because we have never addressed, not just these occupiers—KFOR, EULEX, and UNMIK—but even less these Albanians and their state, which we do not recognize. Therefore, these are pure fabrications. It has nothing to do with us.

In the Serbian Parliament, among the DSS members in the previous session was Vladimir Milentijević, a long-time member of the Committee for Kosovo and Metohija. His brother Vlastimir, together with Jelena Milentijević, is the owner of the Construction and Production Company Kolašin from Zubin Potok. In one interview, Milentijević said that he had handed over the company he led to his brother and wife. According to APR (Serbian Business Registers Agency) data, the company was founded in March 2005, just after the regulation abolishing VAT for Kosovo came into effect. Only a month later, in April, it was registered in the Kosovo business registry, which was then managed by the UNMIK administration. As a DSS member, Milentijević declined to speak with Insajder.

When barricades were erected in July of last year, one of the leaders was Bojan Jakovljević, the head of SNS for the Kosovska Mitrovica district. Jakovljević is a private entrepreneur and co-owner of the construction company Kamilja from Leposavić, which was founded back in 1992. The Kamilja company from Leposavić is registered in the Kosovo registry. In a phone conversation, Jakovljević said that the company had not been active for four years and that he didn’t know why it was listed in the Pristina registry. "All companies had to register with the UNMIK administration, and they probably just transferred that data to the Kosovo registry later," Jakovljević said.

Slaviša Milentijević, who is a member of the Leposavić Municipal Assembly and the SRS, has been a long-time businessman. According to APR, he owns the company Slap Petrol, founded in 2001 for the trade of fuel. He was among the representatives of Leposavić who called for the barricades. His company was registered during the UNMIK administration in April 2003 and is still listed in the Kosovo registry today.

Popov: There’s a lot of hypocrisy in this whole story. On the one hand, Kosovo is defended at all costs as an integral part of Serbia, and on the other hand, for personal gain, you make a move that practically recognizes Kosovo’s independence.

In addition to those businessmen from northern Kosovo who have had their companies since the UNMIK administration, according to Insajder’s research, there are also those who founded their companies after Kosovo declared independence. This is also the only way to cooperate with Albanian companies because, under Kosovo’s regulations, a company not registered in the Pristina registry but registered with the Serbian APR is not considered a legal entity by Kosovo institutions.

Rade Utvić, a long-time director of the Agricultural Cooperative Zubin Potok, is one of those who operates under Kosovo’s laws. Interestingly, along with Marko Jakšić and Vladimir Milentijević from DSS, Utvić was part of the delegation of Serbs from Kosovo who, at a meeting with Vojislav Koštunica, negotiated the abolition of VAT. Utvić agreed to allow the broadcast of a recording of a phone conversation and his response to the question of whether he recognized Kosovo as an independent state when, in January of this year, he registered the cooperative under Kosovo’s laws.

B92: Did it bother you that it says "Republic of Kosovo" on the form?

Rade Utvić, director of the Agricultural Cooperative Zubin Potok: Well, of course, it bothered me—how could it not? A person sweats three times over, but unfortunately, unfortunately, we are where we are. And my workers, when it’s time for them to get paid, they don’t ask where we are, where we’re going, or what we’re doing. And that’s all literally... Let me tell you something: it’s left up to us on the ground to assess. There’s no position from the state. What am I supposed to do, make the decision myself? Until we got to this situation, we didn’t want to, from 2008 to 2012, but I figure that one day, in the end—and you can quote me on this—we’ll be forced to register everything there because no one will be able to transport goods down there without it.

As revealed in the series “Patriotic Theft,” the family of Zvonko Veselinović, one of those suspected of organizing the unrest at the barricades, has practically recognized independent Kosovo in the same way. On June 17, 2008, after Kosovo declared independence, the company Team Petrol, which owns Zvonko Veselinović’s gas stations, was registered under his father Jovan Veselinović’s name, according to the registry.

Stefanović: Unfortunately, in Kosovo, those who are the loudest about defending Serbdom and Kosovo as part of Serbia are often the ones who know very well how to take care of their own material interests and are not squeamish about business and other connections that are indifferent to ethnic affiliation.

Nebojša Jović, president of the Serbian National Council for Northern Kosovska Mitrovica, whose representatives have been at the barricades for years, allegedly defending the survival of Serbs in Kosovo, believes that registering a company under Kosovo’s laws and signing a document that says "Republic of Kosovo" does not mean that someone is not a patriot.

Nebojša Jović, president of SNV for Northern Kosovska Mitrovica: Well, I don’t justify something like that, but I don’t see what’s criminal about it.

B92: It’s not about being criminal, but they have to sign a document that says "Republic of Kosovo."

Jović: Well, for example, our state has now accepted that snowflake sign with "Republic of Kosovo."

B92: I’m not talking about the snowflake sign but about the document that officially says "Republic of Kosovo." They have to get an ID card of the Republic of Kosovo.

Jović: Don’t hold it against me. What I know, I will state explicitly, yes or no. What I’m not sure about, if that’s true, then it would have been better if it hadn’t happened, but as long as no criminal offense is committed—if, and that’s probably what you’re asking, is this comparable to being a patriot—how can a patriot sign such a thing, right? So, I’m only talking about the aspect of patriotism; I don’t know what’s in his head...

Đoković: Everything was possible. In Kosovo and Metohija, to be precise, everything was possible. Much was possible, and much came and went, and unfortunately, it was rather opaque, quite unclear, and public attention was not sufficient.

Representatives of all political parties have known about almost all the abuses of state money over the past 10 years. Buildings have become overgrown, houses haven’t been rebuilt, and a large portion of the population in Kosovo still lives in poverty, with almost no help from the state.

Ranđel Nojkić, SPO Gračanica: But now the question is probably being raised: why wasn’t the investigation pursued further to find out where that money went? Well, simply because all the relevant political parties were involved at the time.

B92: Are you saying that by involving all the political options in Kosovo, corruption is actually being protected?

Nojkić: Exactly. Absolutely. If they had wanted to prevent many things, we wouldn’t be in the situation we are in now.

All of this is discussed in meetings of the Committee for Kosovo and Metohija, where representatives of all parliamentary parties sit, but it’s clear that there’s no will to change anything. Every discussion, according to Insajder’s investigation, in the Serbian Parliament ended up revolving around patriots and traitors. The new president of the Committee for Kosovo is Milovan Drecun, an SNS official. The new committee includes MPs who were once responsible for spending money in Kosovo. Members include previous ministers for Kosovo Goran Bogdanović and Slobodan Samardžić. Also on the committee is Bogdanović’s former deputy, who was in charge of the Coordination Center, Zvonko Stević, an SPS member, as well as the long-time vice president of the Coordination Center, Marko Jakšić, a DSS member.

B92: Did you know that in the previous convocation of the Committee for Kosovo and Metohija, there was a proposal to establish an investigative committee in the Serbian Parliament to review the spending of funds allocated to Kosovo?

Milovan Drecun, President of the Committee for Kosovo and Metohija: I wasn't aware, but it was a good idea.

B92: Do you know what happened with that proposal?

Drecun: I don’t know…

B92: It didn’t gain a majority…

Drecun: Well, I believe that in this convocation of the Committee, such proposals will have majority support.

Journalists from the Insider requested transcripts of the sessions of the parliamentary Committee for Kosovo and Metohija, as per the law. At one of the sessions attended by representatives from all parliamentary parties on December 27, 2010, Siniša Stamenković, a member of the committee from PUPS, proposed that the Serbian Parliament form an investigative committee to examine all abuses from 2000 to the present regarding funds allocated from the budget for Kosovo through various channels. Despite nearly €650,000 being allocated daily for years, mostly with little to no oversight, the proposal to establish an investigative committee for a thorough review did not pass.

Transcript from the XXV session of the Committee for Kosovo and Metohija of the Serbian Parliament, December 27, 2010:

Ljubomir Kragović, Committee Chairman: I am putting forward the proposal of MP Stamenković that the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia establish an investigative committee to examine the material and financial operations from 2000 until the formation of the current government, as the State Audit Institution is now overseeing the government.

Who is in favor?

Regrettably, I note that this proposal did not pass.

TO BE CONTINUED...